In November 2025, the Valley of the Fallen—officially renamed the Valley of Cuelgamuros by the 2022 Democratic Memory Law—finds itself at the center of a profound controversy. The Spanish government, led by the PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party), has presented the winning project for its “reinterpretation”: an architectural transformation that alters key symbolic elements, while the Catholic Church, through the Holy See and the Spanish Episcopal Conference (CEE), defends its sacred character as a pontifical basilica and a place of prayer for all the fallen. This analysis, based on reliable Catholic sources such as statements from the Archdiocese of Madrid, the CEE, and the Benedictine Abbey, examines the legal and religious status of the site, the actions of the government, and the Church’s position, highlighting the tension between evangelical reconciliation and a partisan interpretation of history.

Origin and nature of the Valley of the Fallen: a place of reconciliation under the Cross

The Valley of the Fallen was erected between 1940 and 1959 as an expiatory monument for those who died in the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), inspired by Christian principles of forgiveness and peace. John XXIII, in his decree  Salutiferae Crucis  (April 7, 1960), elevated it to a minor basilica, highlighting its crypt as a temple where combatants from both sides “sleep together the sleep of peace,” beneath the Cross as a sign of redemption. The Benedictine abbey, entrusted to monks from Solesmes, guarantees perpetual prayers for the souls of the fallen and for the nation.

The abbey itself insists that it is not an exclusive symbol: it houses the remains of more than 33,000 people (up to 50,000, according to estimates), from both sides, many of whom were transferred to be honored in a common pantheon. Its implicit motto—”fallen for God and for Spain”—and the 150-meter cross define it as an act of Christian reconciliation, not political exaltation. The Spanish Episcopal Conference and the Archdiocese of Madrid reiterate that its primary purpose is liturgical: prayer for peace, not ideology.

The Government’s intervention: the Democratic Memory Law and the “reinterpretation”

The Democratic Memory Law (2022), promoted by the PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party), declares the Valley a “place of democratic memory” and orders its transformation to “understand the circumstances of its construction and its meaning,” prohibiting acts of “glorification” of Francoism. Following the exhumation of Franco (2019) and Primo de Rivera (2023), the Government has moved forward with exhumations of victims claimed by relatives (judicially authorized in 2025) and, in November 2025, presented the “The Base and the Cross” project: a horizontal crack replacing the staircase, a circular vestibule, and alterations that disfigure the site to impose a one-sided victim narrative.

Until November 2025, the exhumation process—focused on Republican victims claimed by their descendants—remains very limited in proportion to the total number of fallen soldiers buried there. The basilica holds  33,833 identified remains  (the official figure from the historical record, which includes combatants and civilians from both sides), although some estimates raise the total to nearly 50,000 if uncatalogued mass graves are included. It is the largest mass grave in Spain, where Nationalist and Republican victims rest together beneath the Cross, symbolizing Christian reconciliation.

In contrast, the exhumations that began in June 2023 have allowed for the identification and return of remains to  fewer than 30 families (29 people, according to official data up to May 2025, with minimal progress since then). More than  190-200 families  have formally requested the recovery of remains (a figure that has grown from the initial 60), but the technical complexity—collective coffins with up to 15 bodies mixed together, humidity, stacking in columbariums, and inevitable mixing after decades—has stalled many interventions. This represents  less than 0.1% of the total number of victims . The Church, through the Abbey and the Spanish Episcopal Conference, insists that these selective exhumations (almost exclusively from one side) disrupt the peace of the consecrated cemetery and contradict the reconciliatory spirit of the place, where thousands of families never demanded separation precisely because they accepted common burial under the Cross. The Benedictines remind us that the basilica is a sacred ossuary where  57 blessed and 15 servants of God, martyrs  of the religious persecution, also rest, and whose remains must not be disturbed.

The government, through the National Heritage agency, is launching international competitions (with a budget of 30 million euros) without prior agreement with the Holy Cross Foundation (the historical owner). The Spanish Episcopal Conference (CEE), in a statement from April 2025, regrets the lack of coordination with the Church, reiterating that any intervention must respect liturgical use and religious symbols.

The deliberate and progressive neglect of the monumental complex is one of the most serious complaints. Since its full transfer to National Heritage under the Democratic Memory Law, investment in routine conservation has been drastically reduced, prioritizing funds for “reinterpretation” (31 million euros) over comprehensive maintenance.

Benedictine sources and the Archdiocese of Madrid warn of accelerated deterioration: gardens and paths overgrown with weeds, facades with unrepaired cracks and peeling paint, severe dampness in crypts affecting columbariums and frescoes, erosion on the large esplanade, indefinite closure of secondary entrances, and a lack of cleaning in exterior areas. The Benedictine community, although still present, has seen its historical resources for daily upkeep cut. Pablo Linares (president of the Association for the Defense of the Valley) and historian Alberto Bárcena denounce this neglect as seemingly calculated: “to let it degrade in order to justify future demolitions or major alterations.” In November 2025, after the presentation of the winning project, there are fears that the works planned for 2027 will worsen the damage if the sacred spaces are not protected. The Spanish Episcopal Conference (CEE) has repeatedly reminded the State that, as the manager, it has a concordat obligation to preserve this Site of Cultural Interest and pontifical basilica, not to abandon it.

Official figures from Patrimonio Nacional (National Heritage) show a severe impact on tourism following the implementation of the Democratic Memory Law. In 2018,  378,875 visits were recorded ; this figure fell drastically after 2019 and the pandemic, stabilizing at around 180,000-182,000 annually in 2022-2023. In 2024, visits recovered to  213,949  , and by August 2025,  163,286 visits had been recorded  (annual projection of 240,000-250,000 if the current rate is maintained).

This represents a  drop of nearly 45% compared to the record , which some sources attribute to the loss of its spiritual appeal, the image of a “conflict-ridden construction site,” and the removal of religious references from official National Heritage promotional materials. In the ranking of monuments managed by National Heritage (royal palaces, monasteries, etc.), the Valley of Cuelgamuros has fallen in the rankings and is no longer among the ten most visited sites in Spain (far surpassed by the Alhambra, the Alcázar of Segovia, the Royal Palace of Madrid, and El Escorial). However, the basilica remains full on Sundays for conventual mass (more than 1,500 worshippers on certain days), demonstrating that its sacred and reconciling character persists among Catholics, beyond secular tourism.

The Church’s position: defense of the sacred character and dialogue with limits

The Holy See and the Spanish Episcopal Conference (CEE) negotiated directly with the Spanish government (meetings with Pietro Parolin and Félix Bolaños in 2025). The key agreement (March-April 2025) stipulated: no desecration of the basilica, continued presence of the Benedictine community, preservation of the Cross and religious symbols, and independent access for worship. The Archdiocese of Madrid (statement of March 2025) and the CEE (full and unanimous endorsement in April) enshrined these points as “inviolable lines,” designating Cardinal José Cobo as their interlocutor.

However, the Church is not promoting a reinterpretation of the site: “it has never been a promoter,” clarifies the Spanish Episcopal Conference (CEE), limiting itself to safeguarding concordat agreements and the Decree of John XXIII. The Benedictines, in statements from 2025, reject political uses of the site and defend its mission of prayer “without taking sides.” The new prior, Fr. Alfredo Maroto (appointed in March 2025), hopes it will remain “a monument to reconciliation and a valley of peace.”

Critics see a lack of enthusiasm from the hierarchy in the face of external disturbances, but the official position prioritizes the preservation of the cult over direct confrontation.

Reconciliation or revenge? The Catholic perspective

From a faithful Catholic perspective, the Valley embodies the Gospel commandment of forgiveness (Mt 5:44; Lk 23:34): beneath the Cross, victims and executioners share a grave, a reminder that true memory is that of divine mercy, not ideology. The state’s “democratic memory,” by imposing a biased interpretation (victims only from one side), contradicts the Spanish Transition—an exemplary reconciliation—and revives divisions, as bishops have warned in press conferences of the Spanish Episcopal Conference.

By altering symbols without full ecclesiastical consensus, the government is violating the 1953 Concordat and the status of a pontifical basilica. The Church, prudently, avoids a break with the State, but defends what is essential: the Valley as a sacred place of perpetual prayer. Ultimately, this reinterpretation reveals a profound tension: between the Cross that reconciles and a law that, paradoxically, divides in the name of “democracy.”

The future will depend on whether the spirit of John XXIII—peace under the Cross—prevails, or on a secular vision that forgets that national reconciliation is only complete when it kneels before God. We Catholics are called to pray for all the fallen, without exception, as the Benedictines have done since 1958.